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Date: Wed, 15 Mar 1995 18:43:52 +6000
From: Andrew Sandor <asandor@hopkins.dsnet.it>
Subject: (HOL) Re: Nato expansion
To: Hungary-Online@hungary.yak.net
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At the risk of ridicule, I'm sending along this little speech I had to=20
give not too long ago re: Nato expansion to our favorite central european=
=20
countries.  You may recall that I put out a call for opinions on the=20
topic.  Please bear in mind that the point of this exercise was to argue=20
the positive case in a simplistic format - a ten minute speech for those=20
essentially unversed in the subject.

Figyelmeztetnem kell, hogy elegge hosszu.  Nem fogok megsertodni ha maguk=
=20
kidobjak az egeszet.
Tudom, hogy sok a baromsag benne, de nyertunk es ez a=20
fo!  Hat nem?

                                                           1

     Before we discuss the proposition before us, let=92s take a
look at two possible scenarios.   The first one, in which NATO
chooses not to expand.  I will call it =93Democracy
Disappointed=94.
    =20
     Allow me to set the scene.
    =20
     All throughout the euphoric autumn of 1989 people turned
out into the streets of Gdansk and Timisoara, Prague and
Leipzig, Budapest and Sofia, to demand their freedom.  Above
all they wanted one thingto rejoin the West.
    =20
     Yet the West rejects them.
    =20
     For five years Central Europeans have watched their
living conditions decline while ex-Communists and
carpetbagging Western businessmen become instant millionaires.
They had been patient thus far, but their patience has finally
worn thin.
    =20
     Unrestrained by the incentive to be good Europeans,
Hungarians, Slovakians and Romanians all turn to more
nationalistic politics.  Anti-Hungarian ethnic cleansing in
Romania and Slovakia is punctuated by occasional, brief border
wars.  In the meantime, Lech Walesa has proclaimed himself the
heir of interwar dictator Joseph Pilsudski.  Poland, he
declares, needs less democracy and more leadership.
    =20
     No, not apocalyptic, but a grim enough picture of
terminal instability in the Eastern half of the continent.
What if, at that crucial juncture, the West had instead
decided to offer NATO membership =85
    =20
     Back to our storythis time with a different ending.
    =20
     By January 1999 Poland, the Czech Republic, Hungary and
Slovakia have all been accepted as full members of NATO. The
whole region benefits from the increased stability.
    =20
     With democracy and security firmly in place, private
investors begin pouring long-term capital into the region.
With 135 million well-educated potential consumers, Central
and Eastern Europe proves to be an important and growing
economic partner for the West.
    =20
     Today we stand at a crossroads.  I put it to you.  Which
future would you chose?
    =20
     Mr. Cooperman and Ms. Stefanova will have you believe
that it is safer to take a wait-and-see attitude, in short, to
do nothing.  Immediate expansion of NATO carries with it too
many dangers.
    =20
     I suspect many of you out there are worried about the
reaction of Russia.  Well, for the moment, I ask you to
suspend those doubts. My partner, Marcus, will address that
issue in detail and present a workable plan for a genuine
partnership with Russiaa plan that does not grant that country
a veto over Western security affairs.
    =20
      Let us now turn our attention to the proposition itself.
=93The United States should invite Poland, the Czech Republic,
Hungary and Slovakia to become full members of NATO by January
1999.=94
    =20
     Four questions present themselves:
    =20
     1.   What are American interests in Central Europe?
     2.   Why is NATO the appropriate tool for achieving those
interests?
3.   Why these four countries? and finally,
4.   Why the four year deadline?
    =20
     First, what are American interests in Central and Eastern
Europe?
    =20
     America has a general interest in enlarging the community
of democracies and market economies.
    =20
     Democracies are less likely to go to war with each other
or to sponsor terrorism. I ask you, would a democratic
Bulgaria have sponsored the assassination attempt against Pope
John Paul II?
    =20
     The expansion of market-based economies abroad not only
helps expand American exports and create American jobs, it
tends to fuel demands for political liberalization where full
democracy is not yet in place.
    =20
     Poland, the Czech Republic, Hungary and Slovakia have all
made significant progress on the road towards democracy and
market economies.  But one ingredient is missingsecurity.
    =20
     Strategic investors won=92t invest their capital without.
This long-term capital is the key to lasting growth in the
region.  Without real economic gains the peoples of Central
and Eastern Europe will ultimately reject the bitter fruits of
market capitalism and democracyand they will reject them
sooner rather than later.
    =20
     It is the importance of security which brings us to our
second point.
    =20
     Why NATO?
    =20
     Only the North Atlantic Treaty Organization can offer
these countries Article 5 protection.  Article 5 binds each
member to come to the defence of every other.  Article 5 is
the heart of the NATO system of collective defence.
    =20
     These countries are frightened of Russia.  They are
sometimes frightened of each other.  They are just plain
frightened.  As Vaclav Havel put it, =93the continuing security
vacuum gnaws at the psyche of Central Europe=94.  While
objectively no immediate threat exists, their fear is an
expression of the traumas suffered under fascism and
communism.  Subjective fear can be a powerful force. To these
countries only Article 5, with its implicit and ultimate
guarantee of American protection, can give them the security
they so desperately need.
    =20
     I have already outlined why the sense of security offered
by NATO is important for creating the conditions of economic
growth.  But how can NATO membership consolidate democracy and
manage the minority problem?
    =20
     In 1989 democracy and market capitalism were hailed as
cure-alls.  The West, as much as the dissidents who came to
power that Autumn, did much to foster this belief.
    =20
     Reality has proved different. Now, after five years of
declining living standards and rising lawlessness, democracy
and capitalism are in grave danger of becoming synonomous with
poverty and chaos.
    =20
     By ennabling the embattled democrats to deliver on their
promise of joining the West, NATO membership will help to
consolidate democracy.
    =20
     NATO membership will also lead to better relations among
the countries concerned, leading to an overall improvement in
the situation of the minorities, and thus lessening the
likelihood of conflict.  Within the NATO framework, America
will have unique leverage to dampen any resurgent nationalism.
    =20
     Even now, the carrot of NATO membership is encouraging
Hungary to work hard to reach basic treaties with two of its
neighbors - treaties which would guarantee borders while
ensuring some respect for minority rights.
    =20
     The prospect of NATO membership and the security of
Article 5 protection is fostering trust between these
countries making them better neighbors.  If NATO membership is
not forthcoming, this cooperation will likely break down.
    =20
     Let me now take up the third point of my presentation.
Why these four countries?  What is so special about Poland,
the Czech Republic, Hungary and Slovakia that they should be
chosen over such likely contenders as Slovenia, or perhaps
Bulgaria?
    =20
     There are at least two good reasons.
    =20
     One, President Clinton promised these countries
membership in NATO.  That puts America=92s credibility on the
line.
    =20
     Two,  these countries were first off the starting block
and have already made considerable headway in enacting
economic and political reforms, including instituting civilian
control of the armed forces.
    =20
     Why not the Baltics? or Romania?
     The truth of the matter is that an organization can only
absorb a few new members at a time. Politics will forever
remain the art of the possible and at this point in time only
Poland, the Czech Republic, Hungary and Slovakia are realistic
candidates.  That does not, however, mean that we are shutting
the door on the rest of Eastern Europe.
    =20
     Which brings us to our fourth and final point.  Why
before the end of this decade?
    =20
     Indeed, why?  The reasons are primarily psychological.
    =20
     First off, admitting these four countries demonstrates
that the West does, after all, care about the fate of the
East.  It serves as incentive for the other countries of
Eastern Europe to continue along the road to reform.  They
will be reassured that membership in the Western club is
attainableand with time and effort they too may eventually
join.
    =20
     Again, why within the next four years?  Well, both
democracy and a commitment to the market may be slipping.  The
recent actions of Slovakia=92s Vladimir Meciar are evidence of
backsliding with regards to democracy.
    =20
     In addition, a just published survey by the USIA shows
that in Hungary the percentage of those favoring privatization
over state-ownership has fallen to just 31 percent.  Hardly a
sign of strengthening commitment to market processes.
    =20
     But it is not too late.  If we move now we may still
shore up those who are genuinely committed to democracy and
the free-market.  There is precedent.  When NATO admitted
Spain in 1982 it sought to welcome that country into the
community of democratic nations and to help it dismantle the
legacy of dictatorship.
    =20
     In the last several minutes I have attempted to show how
it is in the American interest to promote democracy and market
capitalism in Central Eastern Europe.  Furthermore, I have
shown how that can only be achieved by extending the NATO
security umbrella.  Poland, the Czech Republic, Hungary and
Slovakia are the best candidates for joining NATO in this
first step.  And finally, I have shown why this enlargement
must take place in the near future if it is to be effective at
all.
    =20
     Think back to the two scenarios I laid out at the
beginning of my speech.  What kind of Europe do we want?  One
that is half rich and secure =85 and half poor and unstablethe
two sides separated by a new =93wall of indifference=94.  I hope
not.
    =20
     Let me close with a quote from a speech Anthony Lake gave
at SAIS Washington in September 1993.
    =20
     =93We have the blessing of living in the world=92s most
powerful and respected nation at a time when the world is
embracing our ideals as never before.
    =20
     We can let this moment slip away.
    =20
     Or we can mobilize our nation in order to enlarge
democracy, enlarge markets, and enlarge our future.=94


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